However, society at large has reacted differently in both countries; While millions of French citizens openly showed their support for Solidarity for verisman during street demonstrations, the support of the German population was above all material and not ideological and certainly less pompous. But the differences between Germany and France should not be exaggerated. The image of a Franco-German opposition with Poland was created in part by the French media to divert attention from the passive attitude of their government. ← 52 | 53 → On the second anniversary of the agreement, on 31 August 1982, a massive wave of anti-government protests took place throughout Poland. The regime responded by force of the police; According to Solidarity, at least seven people were killed throughout Poland. Despite this colourful support for the Polish opposition, the French government continued its realpolitik. This also relativizes what is called the unanimous support of France. Indeed, Paris refused to participate in the US sanctions against Poland and Moscow and did not abandon its plans to build a Siberian gas pipeline. After the signing of the treaty on 23 January 1982, french Prime Minister Pierre Mauroy said that it was not advisable to get involved: “There was no need to add a crisis specific to the Polish crisis: that of the French who lost their gas supply.” 24 France and Germany had similarities in the early 1980s. Both based their policies on a triptych of détente, unification and cooperation, and both faced elections in 1981.
As a result, the reaction of Paris and Bonn was not fundamentally different: the two governments were reluctant in their public statements. The Polish crisis has also been used as a pretext to regulate domestic policy. In Germany, the Polish problem was a political battleground for Kohl, Schmidt and Franz Josef Strauss, while in France it created tensions between the French Communist Party and left-wing groups that were trying to end the domination of the pro-Soviet left. The complex, which combined a castle town, a city and a port, took shape in the second half of the tenth century. Gdansk, then ruled by the dynasty of the princes of Pomerania, had a mixed population, where the local Slavs lived side by side with an increasing number of merchants and craftsmen from the West. Thanks to Colonel Swietopelk II.dem Grand Gdansk obtained city rights (of the type Lonbeck). The son of the sovereign and the last prince of Danzig-Pomerania, mscivoj II also known as Mestvin, granted his country to Przemysl II, Prince of Great Poland, in an act drawn at Kepno in 1282. This was a step of great political importance, as it allowed the unification of the Polish territories. Faced with the chaos that spread to Gdansk after the death of Czech King Vaclav (the Swiec family had sold Pomerania to the Marquess of Brandenburg), the governor of Bogusza Castle called the German knights for help.